Showing posts with label low-income children. Show all posts
Showing posts with label low-income children. Show all posts

Thursday, August 30, 2012

The Lobato Opportunity

Until May 21 of this year, when I graduated from Colorado College, formal education was central to my identity. I was a student and I had been for nearly my entire life. Growing up, I had the good fortune to attend pre-school and then continue through a very competent public school system in the suburbs of Philadelphia. My family is also a family of educators. My grandmother was a teacher and both my mother and my oldest sister work in education. So I must admit I am biased.  I believe that a quality education is a right that no child should be without. A competent system of education represents an investment in our society’s future, a future that will be created through the opportunity we give to our students today. But, as I have seen many times throughout my life, this right to a quality education is frequently denied, often to those who are disadvantaged in other ways as well.
                The Constitution of the State of Colorado specifically guarantees the government will provide a “thorough and uniform” system of public education. Surely, with a constitutional guarantee, Colorado’s children must enjoy a fantastic education in every district, in every county across the entire state. But, according to many throughout Colorado, this is not the case. Enter Lobato v. The State of Colorado. In 2005, a coalition of parents from across Colorado came together to confront what they saw as a woefully underfunded system of public schools. Their children were going to school in a system which was (and still is) funded well below the national per-pupil average through a combination of state revenue and local property tax revenues.

Per-pupil funding: Colorado v. National Average over time1
(Click to enlarge)

The group of parents, together with a number of Colorado school districts sued the state of Colorado claiming that Colorado’s public school finance system violates their rights granted by article IX, sections 2 and 15 of the Colorado Constitution which guarantee that the state will provide a “thorough and uniform” system of public education and that there will be “local control” over individual school districts.2 After the Colorado Supreme Court made its way through the legal question of whether the plaintiff’s claim was “justiciable,” the case was remanded back to the district court in 2009. Finally, on December 9, 2011, the district court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs stating, “Colorado's public school finance system is irrational, arbitrary, and severely underfunded” and therefore was in violation of the constitutional guarantee to a “thorough and uniform system” of public schools. Also, as a result of the systemic problems with the public school funding system, schools cannot be “locally” controlled as the state constitution mandates.3
                As you can imagine, the state is not particularly interested in accepting this ruling and they have appealed the district court’s ruling. The state claims several things. First, it maintains the budget process is an inherently political decision that is the responsibility of the executive and legislative branches, not the judiciary. Second, it claims that because of the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights (TABOR) and the Gallagher Amendment it is not likely that overall state revenues will increase. And, if the district court’s decision is upheld the education “slice” of the budgetary pie will grow larger without a similar increase in the size of the pie, thus crowding out other vital state funded programs.4
                As someone who is relatively new to the fiscal reality in Colorado as well as the legal realm, I am certainly not an authority on the inner workings of this trial. Nor can I predict how the Colorado Supreme Court will rule in the coming months. However, it seems to me that among all the political chatter surrounding this case, several important facts have been lost:
First, we must remember that this case is fundamentally about the children of Colorado. Every day that the Colorado public school system remains “unconscionable” the children of Colorado lose.
Second, Colorado’s schools are lacking in funding, a fact that even the state does not seem to disagree with. Although the state claims more money does not necessarily improve outcomes, more money can almost certainly guarantee better teachers, improved technology and smaller class sizes — three areas where Colorado ranks poorly relative to other states. For example, in 2009, Colorado was ranked 41st in terms of technology in our schools. In 2010, we were ranked 44th by the ratio our teachers are paid compared to other occupations and we ranked 40th in the median student-teacher ratio at primary schools.5
Third, because of the complex system of public school funding in Colorado, capital construction projects receive very little state funding. This means that the burden of improving school facilities or updating aging school infrastructure falls largely on local property taxes. This in turn leads to uneven capital development across the state. For example, the court’s opinion found that “the wealthiest district has 20,000 percent more capital capacity than the poorest”. Or, as district court Judge Sheila Rappaport put it, “relying on local district funding is inequitable, is inadequate, and has produced an enormous backlog of school capital needs across the state, resulting in serious health and safety problems in school buildings across Colorado”.6 To provide a school system where a child on one side of an imaginary line has access to a better, safer and healthier environment whereas a child across that line only has access to the opposite, is to lay the foundation for a state that cannot begin to provide equal opportunity for all Coloradans.
To many people the Lobato case is about budgetary restrictions or legislation such as TABOR. The outcome of the case, many say, will have large ramifications for the rest of the budget and create an uncomfortable position, almost a punishment, for our elected officials. However, the district court did not specify how the legislature should increase funding or what methods should be used to increase funding. Instead, the court gave the legislature an opportunity. It is an opportunity that requires tough decisions and maybe politically unfavorable positions (support raising taxes through a referendum or support the repeal of TABOR for example). But, it is also an opportunity for the legislature to uphold our state’s constitution, ensure that the children of Colorado are prepared for the future, make our state a better place to raise a family and lay the foundation for a more prosperous Colorado. In the long run, if this opportunity is squandered we will all pay the price.

Andrew Ball
CC/Rice Fellow
aball@cclponline.org

Thursday, July 19, 2012

Food Fight - Congress takes aim at hungry families, shoots economy!


Last week the House Agriculture Committee approved a Farm Bill that included $16.5 billion in cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP or food stamps) – a choice that could force as many as 3 million more Americans deeper into poverty and threaten the economic recovery. The cut, nearly four times larger than the cuts found in the Senate version of the bill, specifically targets SNAP benefits for working poor families with children and seniors.

The House Agriculture Committee bill cut all agricultural programs by $35 billion over the next decade, but the bulk of the cuts come from SNAP, a full $11.5 billion from eliminating a provision in SNAP known as categorical eligibility. Cat-el is an “administrative short-cut” that allows states to coordinate income and asset tests for SNAP with other programs that help low-income families. Cat-el doesn’t allow families to automatically enroll in SNAP – they still have to go through the rigorous verification and application process – but it does mean that what counts for income and assets in Temporary Assistance to Needy Families, the state’s welfare program, counts as income and assets in SNAP. In Colorado, for instance, before the state adopted cat-el, a family would have been denied SNAP if they had some non-exempt asset worth more than $2,000, but they would not have been denied help through TANF. By adopting cat-el, Colorado aligned program rules, reduced administrative costs and allowed newly poor families or families with modest assets to receive vital nutrition assistance.

The Congressional Budget Office estimates that eliminating cat-el will deny food assistance to 1.8 million low-income children, seniors and people with disabilities nationwide. The Office of Management and Budget puts the number at closer to 3 million nationally and 34,500 in Colorado.  

So what does eliminating cat-el really mean for Colorado? Never mind that SNAP helps 22 million American children eat nutritious food every day, which helps their brains and bodies grow, which in turn helps them learn, earn and achieve over a lifetime. Never mind that SNAP kept more than 5 million people out of poverty in 2010 and protected more than 1.3 million children from the long-lasting and devastating effects of deep poverty.  Never mind that SNAP has been found to be one of the government’s most efficient programs, one that responds quickly and effectively in recessions and disasters, like Colorado’s recent wildfires for instance.

Let’s set all that social benefit aside and talk dollars and cents. Last year, SNAP provided about $140 per person per month in Colorado. All total, SNAP families spent $762.8 million federal dollars at Colorado grocery stores, farmers markets, convenience stores, wholesalers and other retail outlets on food alone – SNAP cannot be used to purchase nonfood items like diapers, toothpaste, cigarettes or alcohol. Moody’s Analytics estimates that every $1 in SNAP spending generates $1.73 in economic activity. That means SNAP benefits produced nearly $1.3 billion in economic activity in every corner of our state last year. Now consider that every $1 billion in SNAP demand translates to between 8,900 to 17,900 jobs. That’s a lot of Colorado farmers, truckers, grocery clerks, stockers and others along the private food supply chain who benefit from SNAP.

So when those 34,500 low-income adults and children lose SNAP, Colorado loses roughly $58 million per year spent on food in every corner of Colorado and a total of $100 million in economic activity. In other words, when those 34,500 hungry people lose SNAP, we all lose.

Congress should reject the House Agriculture Committee’s Farm Bill. Call your Representative today and tell them to reject the cuts to SNAP. Learn how here.


Kathy White
kwhite@cclponline.org
303-573-5669 ext. 303